ROHIT Kumar has razed the small house he recently built a short stretch from the banks of the Kosi River in Bihar. He is saving the bricks for another home once the swirling waters from the river recede.
The Kosi is known as Bihar’s sorrow
for bringing its annual fury from the glaciers and gorges of the upper
Himalayas to the plains of a land where Buddha walked his conscious steps and
cautioned against excessive materialism.
The gradient then tapers and slows
Kosi’s flow, as happens with other rivers that originate in the Himalayas and
sustain lives across the Indo-Gangetic plains.
A fear stalking the world, though
one hopes the day doesn’t ever come, is that with the blessings of Narendra
Modi, Donald Trump, and similar neoliberal right-wingers such as their friend
Jair Bolsanaro, most riverbeds on our planet could go dry and Rohit Kumar’s
grandchildren might need to search for another water body if there is one to
drop anchor.
Drought and floods are peas in the
pod of the planet’s ecology. During a severe drought in 1917-18, the Jhelum
River in Kashmir dried up completely. The western Himalayas hold over 48,000
square kilometres of glacier ice, second only to the poles. The Hindukush and
Karakoram ranges sustain millions in their peaks and valleys while spawning the
headwaters of rivers like the Indus, Ganges, and Brahmaputra.
Modi cannot see a world without a
daily plot to win a state assembly or parliament, come pandemic or high water.
Bolsanaro unsurprisingly was Modi’s
chief guest at India’s Republic Day celebrations, and Trump was a special
visitor the other day. The Brazilian leader has supervised the clearing of the
Amazon forests at the speed of over 100 football fields a day.
Trump never believed in climate
change. Had the coronavirus outbreak not foiled his plans, there would be toxic
pipelines running through the most ecologically fragile zones in the US.
Modi is stymied by his innate faith
in obscurantism. He cannot see a world without a daily plot to win a state
assembly or parliament, come pandemic or high water. As his advice to clap
hands and bang utensils to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic began to lose its
appeal, he shifted the focus smartly to the elections in Bihar. To win
elections, he needs to placate the business lobbies.
When UN Secretary General António
Guterres spoke last month of reviving post-Covid-19 economies in an
ecologically agreeable way, he may have been responding to Modi’s polluting
plans to open up coal mining to the private sector.
Guterres said: “We cannot go back to
the way it was and simply recreate the systems that have aggravated the crisis
… There is no good reason, for example, for any country to include coal in
their Covid-19 recovery plans. This is the time to invest in energy sources
that don’t pollute, don’t cause emissions, generate decent jobs and save
money.”
Modi has chosen the opposite course.
Just when Indians were experiencing the happier spin-off from the coronavirus
pandemic — cleaner air to breathe — a provision in the new deal removed the
caveat to use washed coal. Furore is brewing over alleged permission to carry
out mining in Assam in areas earmarked as forest sanctuaries for elephants.
Of the twin challenges to the
planet’s survival — environmental calamity and nuclear decimation India finds
itself placed in the proximity of both. Purely from a cultural position this
need not have been so. One can understand, though not trust, someone like Mike
Pompeo, who believes it’s God’s will to destroy a rival nation. His bigoted
mindset finds him hating Iran but striking an accord with the lunatic fringe
known as the Hojjatiyeh. Both await the end of the world so that they could
head for paradise. Hojjatiyeh plotted to precipitate a US-Soviet conflict by
chucking missiles into the Soviet Union. Khomeini had them arrested. Who will
stop Pompeo?
Firing Benjamin Netanyahu’s vision
is a similar divine promise. East of Jerusalem, and within sight of both the
Temple Mount and the Al Aqsa mosque, lie over a hundred thousand Jewish graves,
ancient and recent. The feet face the city as the resurrection would begin
there, walking them to the Holy City.
Environmental calamity or nuclear
extinction must be far from the community of Hindus whose love for their world
of flora and fauna carries them to the point of worshipping both. There’s no
temptation to let the world they worship go up in smoke. Besides, much of Hindu
mythology revolves around verdant forests and snow-clad mountains. The ice
stalagmite worshipped in Kashmir’s Amarnath cave shrine as Shiva’s symbol has
often melted into water. Reports say air conditioners were installed to reduce
the heat from the crowds and warmer summers.
Likewise, the snow-clad Mount
Kailash is sacred to Hindus. Since it is located in Tibet, special visas are
offered by China to Hindus to fulfil their pilgrimage. Imagine the mythological
mountain losing its fabled snow cover with climate change. Modi’s vision of a
strong nation is anchored in Hindu rashtra with impregnable borders. How will
he stop the rush of climate refugees from Bangladesh when the rising sea
gobbles up the entire delta, or when the Maldives disappears under the Indian
Ocean, and its people call out for help?
Only recently, right in the middle
of the India-China fracas, a friendly professor from Vancouver sent me a book
review. The book, World Without Ice by Jonathan Mingle, is a brilliant
synthesis of evidence that leads to worrying conclusions about our future. With
the help of six recent documents — books and reports — Mingle argues forcefully
that our current understanding of the climatic issues are probably fraught with
flawed conclusions.
The writer pores with particular
interest on the report The Hindukush Himalaya Assessment, which draws out the
physical and political outcomes of melting mountain ice. People in Modi’s team
should read it, even if the book’s import would be more readily intelligible to
Rohit Kumar and his marooned neighbours in Bihar.
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